Classical Texts in Psychology
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Institutions of Early Experimental Psychology:
Laboratories, Courses, Journals, and Associations
Edited by Christopher D. Green,
© 2000 Christopher D. Green
Posted September 2000
Revised December 2000
Revised January 2001
Revised September 2001
Introduction to Section II: The Founding of the Journals
1. Although it is widely known that psychology was generally considered to be a branch of philosophy until the rise of experimental psychology near the end of the 19th century, it is not generally appreciated just how significant part of philosophy psychology was regarded as being at the time. Efforts to move the discipline of psychology out of philosophy were regarded by many philosophers -- especially those of the British philosophical tradition -- as tearing the very heart out of philosophy, not merely as being another case of a particular philosophical specialization moving away from "home" and setting up shop on its own, as had physics, chemistry, and physiology. Historical consideration of the British philosophical tradition shows why this was so. For the British empiricists, perception and the association of ideas generated by perception were considered to be at the very core of philosophical method. When Locke, Hume, Mill and other writers of the British philosophical canon developed their theories of mental processes, this wasn't merely speculative psychological research, but also an investigation into the very foundations of the proper method of philosophical -- including scientific -- inquiry. For philosophers adhering to this tradition, the attempt to separate psychology from philosophy was analogous to, say, attempting to separate faith from religion. It implied, in effect, that philosophy was not qualified to investigate its own basic methodology. As a result, it was not at all clear what exactly, if anything, would be left of philosophy afterwards. To be sure, there were important branches of philosophy apart from psychology -- e.g., metaphysics, ethics, logic, epistemology -- but for many philosophers, especially those of the British tradition, these topics were regarded as being deeply entangled with questions of psychology. For example, for idealists, metaphysical reality was, at root, a matter of mentality. For almost everyone of the era, logic was just the investigation into "right thinking." Epistemology and ethics, as well, involved "right belief" and "right behavior," obviously psychological concerns. Another way of looking at this issue that turns the question around in a way favorable those who opposed the exportation of psychology from philosophy to natural science, is that a number of "normative" topics considered to be central to philosophical psychology -- e.g., ethics, logic, epistemology -- did not appear to be fruitfully investigable by the methods of science. Thus, science was seen as being unqualified to take psychology over, except perhaps at its psychophysical "edges." Nevertheless, a new kind of philosopher was on the rise -- personified best in individuals such as William James, Charles Sanders Peirce, and John Dewey -- who had far more knowledge of and respect for natural science than their predecessors, and who could see better than most the prestige that science was gaining in the university. Science could no longer be ignored, even on the traditional turf of philosophy, and some new rapprochement between science and philosophy would have to be negotiated. This debate over whether psychology in its entirety could be studied from a purely scientific perspective loomed large in philosophical debate in the latter part of the 19th century.
2. Even this characterization, however, puts things somewhat too optimistically because it lays more emphasis than is really warranted on what we now consider to have been the "great" philosophical movements of the day. By and large, what was taught under the guise of "philosophy" in U.S. colleges of the mid-19th century was little more than the dogmatics of various Christian -- mostly Protestant -- religious sects. G. Stanley Hall, who was educated under this regime, detailed the bleakness of situation in his 1879 Mind article "Philosophy in United States":
There are nearly 300 non-Catholic colleges in the United States…. More than 200 of them are strictly denominational, and the instruction given in philosophy is rudimentary and mediæval…. Indeed there are less than half a dozen colleges or universities in the United States where metaphysical thought is entirely freed from reference to theological formulæ. Many teachers of philosophy have no training in their department save such as has been obtained in theological seminaries, and their pupils are made far more familiar with the points of difference in theology of Parks, Fairchilds, Hodges and the like, than with Plato, Leibnitz or Kant…. The nature of philosophical instruction is determined by the convictions of constituencies and trustees, while professors are to a great extent without independence or initiative in matters of speculative thought. (Hall, 1879, pp. 89-90)
3. Nevertheless, in those few educational institutions where philosophy was professionalizing and attempting to come to terms with the challenges posed by the scientific discoveries of the day, psychology was rapidly becoming the focal point of the discipline -- the front on which the struggle between science and philosophy would be most fiercely fought, and also the place where a modus vivendi would ultimately have to be struck.
4. One way to measure the importance of psychology to philosophy during the late 19th century is to look at the philosophical journals of the day in order to see what sort of attention psychological questions received there. The first English-language philosophical periodical of any real duration was the Journal of Speculative Philosophy (JSP), founded in 1867 by William T. Harris of the St. Louis Philosophical Society. Harris did not have a university appointment, but was Commissioner of Schools in St. Louis, and was later the federal Commissioner of Education for whom Illinois professor W. O. Krohn (1894) wrote his report on psychological labs in U.S. universities (see NLE, 1999). The 1860s were a time when philosophy was only beginning to professionalize in the U.S., and so the journal's content was balanced between what we today would consider to be serious academic articles and more popular pieces for amateurs. Evidence of this can be found in the multi-part "Introduction to Philosophy" Harris published over the course of the journal's first two volumes. It was intended as much to invite "intelligent laymen" to philosophy as to be an outlet for serious philosophers. Harris was a strong Hegelian, and JSP devoted a fair bit of its space to translations and expositions of German philosophy, especially metaphysics and aesthetics. His inaugural editorials, "To the Reader" and "The Speculative," reprinted here, give a good idea as to the state of philosophy in the U.S. immediately after the Civil War. Although there was not much readily identifiable as psychology in the early volumes of JSP, in the first issue there was a critical review by Harris of Herbert Spencer's First Principles (1862). Although not highly regared today, Spencer was one of his era's most influential advocates of evolutionary theory, and would come almost to personify the "positive" or "naturalistic" approach to the social sciences in the minds of many through the mid- to late-19th century (notice how prominently he figures, as well, in the other journals discussed in this essay). In addition, several individuals who would come to play significant roles in the rise of the "new psychology" were involved with JSP. For instance, the second volume (1868-69) included three interrelated articles by C. S. Peirce, one of the emerging "new breed" of scientifically-oriented philosophers. Peirce's articles defended scientific method against Cartesianism. Volume 6 (1872) included an article on "anti-materialism" by the young G. Stanley Hall. Hall also contributed, over the next six years, eight translations of articles by J. K. F. Rosenkranz, then a well-known disciple of Hegel's. In 1878 (Vol. 12), William James contributed an article, and the following year two more. Josiah Royce also published one article in 1879. John Dewey published in JSP as well. Thus, although JSP was not a particularly psychological journal, it was the crucible in which a number of future American psychologists were forged. JSP moved with Harris to New York in 1880, and continued publishing until 1893.
5. In the article mentioned above on the state of 19th-century American philosophy, Hall (1879, pp. 100-101) gently chided Harris for not including more material on recent psychological and evolutionary developments. In the same article, he also drew attention to another journal which he, perhaps somewhat surprisingly, considered to be a significant American contribution to philosophy: Popular Science Monthly (PSM). PSM was founded in 1872 by Edward Livingston Youmans. Even more so than JSP, PSM was conceived as a journal directed at the intelligent public rather than at specialists. It seems to have been modeled to some degree on the British Popular Science Review (1861-1881). In Youmans' inaugural editorial, "Purpose and Plan of Our Enterprise" (1872), he explained that PSM would "contain papers, original and selected, on a wide range of subjects, from the ablest scientific men of different countries, explaining their views to non-scientific people" (p. 113). It is also interesting to note the emphasis he lay on what we would now call the social sicences, as well as the physical. The articles were short -- many reprints, abridgments, and translations among some original pieces -- and on a fascinating variety of topics. They treated everything from astronomy, natural history, medicine, and geology to emotion, food, sleep, and dyspepsia. Important social issues of the day -- particularly those concerned with education, women, and race -- were frequently visited. Herbert Spencer was a frequent contributor; indeed the very first article was the first installment of a multi-part work called "The Study of Sociology" that would be re-published in book form in 1873. There was very little material recognizable as experimental psychology, though occasionally there were pieces on physiological topics related to psychology -- descriptions of the work of William Carpenter and of David Ferrier were included in early volumes, as were reviews of vivisectional and cerebral ablation studies. Also carried in PSM was a series of important papers by C. S. Peirce, including "The Fixation of Belief" (1877) and "How to Make Our Ideas Clear" (1878). PSM carried on until 1950. Although the general spirit of PSM was in line with the emergence of scientifically-oriented philosophers like Hall, it was hardly the professional philosophy journal he sought.
6. The first English-language journal devoted specifically to psychology was Mind, founded in 1876 by British philosopher Alexander Bain. Bain appointed as editor his one-time student and University College Professor, George Croom Robertson, who managed the journal until his death in 1891. It was then taken over by another British philosopher, George F. Stout. It is interesting to note in Robertson's "Prefatory Words" (1876) the degree to which Mind -- and philosophy in general -- was conceived as being a nationalistic project. British scholarship was not to be allowed to fall behind German scholarship, and in matters of psychology and philosophy, proclaimed Robertson, "the countrymen of Locke at present are leading the van" (p. 2). Mind contained speculative pieces in the main, but most of its contributors were among those progressive philosophers who held science in high esteem -- for instance, Herbert Spencer (again!) authored the very first Mind article, a piece entitled "Comparative Psychology of Man." Although not experimental scientists themselves, the primary contributors to Mind recognized that at least a portion of psychological questions could only be finally answered in the laboratory. From the beginning, Mind included empirical case studies in its pages, such as the anonymous (1876) report in the very first volume on S. G. Howe's education of the famous "deaf-mute" (as she was then known), Laura Bridgman; and Charles Darwin's "Biographical Sketch of an Infant" (1877) in the second volume. There were also early articles by Helmholtz (1876) and by Wundt (1876, 1877), though these were not reports of experimental studies. In time, interest in reports of psychological experiments grew. From July 1885 to Jan 1887 there appeared in each issue a special section of the journal devoted to empirical research (which briefly re-appeared in April 1889). The first such piece was by then-Johns Hopkins physiologist Henry Herbert Donaldson on "temperature-sense." Later contributors were mostly other Americans -- Donaldson, Hall, Jastrow, Cattell, and Lewis T. Stevens (a student of Hall's). There were two Englishmen as well -- Joseph Jacobs and Francis Galton.
7. Friendly as it was to experimental psychology, it appears that Mind was not deemed sufficient to communicate the work of America's experimental psychologists. There was, of course, Wundt's Philosophische Studien which started publishing in 1883, but it carried almost exclusively the research of the Leipzig lab. Even other Germans rarely published there, causing Hermann Ebbinghaus and his colleague Arthur König to found in 1890 the Zeitschrift für Psychologie und Physiologie der Sinnesorgane in order to provide a publication vehicle for non-Leipzigian German researchers.
8. Regardless of the role that might have been played by limited access to Mind and Philosophische Studien, there seems to have been a felt need in the late 1880s among American researchers for an American publication vehicle that specialized in reports of empirical psychological studies. Thus, in 1887, Hall founded the American Journal of Psychology (AJP), the aim of which, Hall said, was to "record the psychological work of a scientific, as distinct from a speculative character" (Hall, 1887, p. 3). Despite this stated aim, the new journal, in its early years, published a somewhat motley collection of experiments, clinical studies, anthropological studies, educational pieces, critiques, reviews, and even some speculative pieces. It appears that early on Hall had some difficulty filling its pages exclusively with the products of experimental psychology. The only substantive article in the fourth issue, for instance, was a 130+ pp. article on the ancient Greek philosopher Heraclitus. The eighth issue contained a piece on symbolic logic. Moreover, some of the experimental work appearing in early issues of AJP seems closer to pure physiology than to psychology (e.g., C.F. Hodge's, articles on stimulating ganglion cells in the third and seventh issues). Many of the articles were broken up into two, three, or even four installments, ensuring material for future issues (see AJP Tables of Contents, 1887-1895).
9. Having learned from Wundt, Hall ran his AJP more or less as an "in house" organ of Johns Hopkins, and then Clark University. Some "outsiders" were allowed on to its pages, (e.g., Jastrow, Titchener, J. R. Angell, Christine Ladd Franklin, Mary Whiton Calkins) but much of the American psychological community -- including "stars" like Cattell and Baldwin -- were more or less excluded. Naturally enough, others began to resent Hall's high-handed editorial policy, and plans were made for "in-house" journals at other university psychology departments as well (e.g., by Scripture at Yale). Still, it was obvious to most that an uncontrolled proliferation of such "college tin-trumpets," as James called them in an 1892 letter to Royce (cited in Ross, 1972, p. 237), would not be sustainable in the long run. The interests of the American branch of the discipline would be served best by one or more journals open to the best contributors, regardless of institutional affiliation. In 1892 Cattell and Baldwin confronted Hall, suggesting that he either appoint a board of editors with the power to accept articles even over his objection, or that he sell AJP to them outright. Hall hesitated, but ultimately would not accept any alternative that would reduce his control over AJP. Consequently, much as Ebbinghaus and König had founded the Zeitschrift in 1890 for the benefit of non-Leipzigian German researchers, so in 1894 Cattell and Baldwin founded the Psychological Review as a national publication vehicle for American psychologists who were not members of Hall's inner circle. Hall was furious, writing an editorial in the first issue of Volume 7 (Hall, 1895) of AJP in which he justified his policies and refocused somewhat the mission of his journal. James, Ladd, Baldwin, and Cattell (1895) all replied in print to Hall's editorial, taking issue with his claim to have supervised the founders of virtually all the American psychology labs. They were published as a set in Science the same year. Cattell and Baldwin's Review was a success despite it all. The fact was that by the mid-1890s there was simply too much experimental psychological research being conducted in North America for it all to be confined to a single journal.
10. For the first few years, Cattell and Baldwin cooperatively alternated first editorship on the title page of the Review, but ultimately they turned out to be little better than Hall at getting along with each other and their colleagues. Within a decade, they had become completely unable to work with each other, and so held an informal "auction" to decide which one of them would take sole control. Baldwin won, and bought Cattell out in 1904 (for the full story, see Sokal, 1997). The same year, 1904, Baldwin would co-found Psychological Bulletin with Howard C. Warren of Princeton and Charles H. Judd of Yale. Baldwin would be forced out of Johns Hopkins by scandal in 1909, however, and as he left he gave editorial control of the Review and the Bulletin over to John B. Watson, whom he had hired only months before. Watson handed editorship of the Bulletin over to Arthur H. Pierce within a year, but would use the Review to promote his behaviorist "revolution." In 1916, he would found yet another related periodical, the Journal of Experimental Psychology (JEP), "thus forging a link between behaviorism and experimentalism in the minds of psychologists which shaped the field for 40 years to follow" (Wozniak, 1984, p. xxvi). But Watson was also soon driven out of the academy by scandal. By the mid-1920s, the Review, the Bulletin and JEP were taken over by the American Psychological Association, in whose hands they remain to the present day.
11. Despite the proliferation of experimentally-oriented psychology journals, philosophy journals continued to flourish, and continued to carry a great deal of psychological material. Paul Carus, a German living in the U.S. founded the journal Open Court in 1887, and then the Monist in 1890. Open Court's main focus was the establishment of a scientific basis for religion and ethics (see Gerber, 1967, p. 203). The Monist, on the other hand, which called itself a journal of "general philosophical inquiry," was virtually dominated by psychological content. The first volume (1890) alone contained three articles on sensation by Ernst Mach, two articles on feeling by Carus, an ongoing debate between the famous criminologist Cesare Lombroso and his critics, a number of pieces on evolution, an article on "infusoria" by Alfred Binet, and one by G. J. Romannes on "physiological selection," as well as other articles entitled "The Origin of Mind," "The Question of the Duality of Mind," "The Psychology of Conception," "On Thought and Language," and the like. Volume 2 (1891) included among its contributors Lombroso (again), Mach (again), Romannes (twice more), Max Müller, J. Delbœuf, John Dewey, C. Lloyd Morgan, and C. S. Perice, among others. Many of these people appeared again in later volumes. Thus, although never recognized in history of psychology textbooks, the Monist may well have been the most influential psychological journal in America in the 1890s. Unlike Hall's AJP, which limited itself mainly to Clark faculty and graduates, the Monist carried articles from the very best people in the field internationally. It may not have been experimental in its thrust, but many of the best psychological scientists published their analytic and interpretive work in its pages.
12. Another new philosophical journal of the day was the International Journal of Ethics (IJE), first published in October, 1890. IJE's focus is obvious from its title, but issues of explicitly psychological interest arose frequently in its pages as well. The first volume, for instance, contains a 27 pp. review by Josiah Royce (Harvard philosopher and later President of the American Psychological Association) of William James' then-recently-published Principles of Psychology. There was also a piece by British philosopher James Ward on John Stuart Mill's "ethology." The second volume contained a piece by American philosopher Samuel Alexander on the "Natural Selection of Morals," a title that eerily foreshadows current debates in sociobiology and evolutionary psychology. IJE also published discussions of education, evolution, and the so-called "national character," a topic that was of great interest to experimental psychologists of the day, and on into the 1930s.
13. Philosophical Review, founded by Cornell's J. G. Schurman (1892), also published much of psychological interest. The first issue contained a 30 pp. review of James' Principles, by George T. Ladd (then author of the only other major English-language textbook on the "new psychology"). The second issue carried a reply by James. The fourth, an article by Mary Whiton Calkins on mental association, and the first installment of a two-part piece on pleasure and pain by H. Nichols. The conclusion of Nichols' paper appeared in the fifth issue. In the sixth issue -- that last of Volume 1 -- was published an article by William James on the relation between thought and language, and a piece by Henry R. Marshall (another future American Psychological Association President) on the relation between "pleasure-pain" and sensation. Titchener, Cattell, Baldwin, and Scripture all appeared in Volume 2 (1893). Titchener and Royce in Volume 3 (1894). Again, we see that a new philosophical journal of the era carried a great deal of psychological material, signifying that psychology had become the dominant philosophical topic of the day.
14. In 1891, Hall started another journal, Pedagogical Seminary, aimed at more applied questions in educational psychology. The explosion of new journals would continue through the early 1890s, taking on a more international flavor. Revue de Métaphysique et Morale, a journal founded by one Xavier Léon specifically to counter the trend toward positivistic or scientific philosophy, began publishing in 1893. By contrast, Alfred Binet founded L'Année Psychologique in 1894. The early years of the 20th century saw the expansion continue. Galton, Pearson, and Weldon founded Biometrika in 1901; Baldwin, Warren, and Judd the Psychological Bulletin in 1904; Woodbridge (1904) the Journal of Philosophy, Psychology, and Scientific Methods in 1904; and Ward and Rivers the British Journal of Psychology also in 1904. After that, journals specializing in particular subdisciplines of psychology (animal, child, etc.) began to appear.
15. Let us take stock of what we have learned. The traditional psychologists' story of this period, repeated in almost all history of psychology textbooks, is that the "new" experimentalists, tired and distrustful of "speculative" approaches to psychology, broke away from the philosophers to found their own new natural-scientific form of the discipline. Our examination of the journals of the day, however, tells us that this story, while not being entirely incorrect, is simplistic and derives from too narrow a focus on the experimental psychological work of the time. A more balanced approach to the question reveals that interest in psychological issues was exploding in the late 19th century, and that no one journal could contain it all. As a result, journals specializing in various aspects of psychology began to proliferate. First to arrive on the scene was Mind in 1876, which initially sought to hold the psychological aspects of philosophy as whole. Then came Philosophische Studien in 1883, which, taking a different tack from Mind, aimed only to contain the psychological work -- note, not all of it experimental -- carried on at Leipzig. Wundt's approach was to a great extent adopted by Hall, who made American Journal of Psychology a more or less "in-house" journal of Hopkins and Clark. Others, on both sides of the Atlantic, realized almost immediately that this would lead to a proliferation of journals -- one at every institution -- that could not possibly be sustained, and so began new journals that aimed for geographical diversity, but increasing topical specialization. Thus Ebbinhaus and König's Zeitschrift arrived in 1890, as well as Cattell and Baldwin's Philosophical Review in 1894. The French entered the experimental picture with L'Année Psychologique in 1894. Psychologists who remained more closely attached to philosophical approaches (though often engaging in philosophical analyses of experimental results) founded new journals of their own, specializing in the methods and domains that better-suited their own work. Thus, the founding of Open Court in 1887, the Monist in 1890, the International Journal of Ethics also in 1890, and Philosophical Review in 1892. Even this spread of publication vehicles would soon prove insufficient to meet the demand, leading to the launches of Revue de Métaphysique et Morale in 1893, L'Année Psychologique in 1894, Biometrika in 1901, and of Psychological Bulletin, Journal of Philosophy, Psychology and Scientific Methods, and British Journal of Psychology all in 1904.
16. So far we have examined the development of the labs, courses, and journals. There remains one more important institution in the rise of professional psychology in the late 19th century: the scholarly association. This is the topic of the third and final Section of this Classics Special Collection.
--Christopher D. Green
[Anonymous] (1876). Education of Laura Bridgman. Mind, 1, 263-267.
Darwin, Charles (1877). A biographical sketch of an infant. Mind, 2, 285-294.
Donaldson, H. H. (1885). On the temperature-sense. Mind, 10, 399-416
Gerber, W. (1967). Philosophical journals. In P. Edwards (Ed.), The encyclopedia of philosophy. (Vol. 6, pp. 199-216). New York & London: Macmillan and Frees Press.
Hall, G. S. (1879). Philosophy in the United States. Mind, 4, 89-105.
Hall, G. S. (1887). Editorial note. American Journal of Psychology, 1, 3-4.
Helmholtz, H. (1876) The origin and meaning of geometrical axioms. Mind, 1, 301-321
Krohn, W. O. (1894). Facilities in experimental psychology in colleges in the United States. Report of the Commissioner of Education for the year 1890-'91 (Vol. 2, pp. 1139-1151).
National Library of Education. (1999, October 7). Office of Education Library -- Early years. In The History of the National Library of Education. (http://www.ed.gov/NLE/histearly.html).
Peirce, C. S. (1877). The fixation of belief. Popular Science Monthly, 12, 1-15.
Peirce, C. S. (1878). How to make iur ideas clear. Popular Science Monthly, 12, 286-302.
Peirce, C. S. & Jastrow, J. (1885). On small differences of sensation. Memoirs of the National Academy of Sciences, 3, 73-83.
Pittenger, M. (1999). Edward Livingston Youmans. In J.A. Garraty & M. C. Carnes (Eds.), American National Biography (pp. 143-144). New York: Oxford University Press.
Ross, D. (1972). G. Stanley Hall: The psychologist as prophet. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Sokal, M. M. (1992) Origins and early years of the American Psychological Association, 1890-1906. American Psychologist, 47, 111-121.
Sokal, Michael M. (1997). Baldwin, Cattell, and the Psychological Review: A collaboration and its discontents. History of the Human Sciences, 10, 57-89.
Sorensen, W. C. (1999). Samuel Hubbard Scudder. In J.A. Garraty & M. C. Carnes (Eds.), American National Biography (pp. 542-544). New York: Oxford University Press.
Turner, H. H. (1927). Sir Joseph Norman Lockyer. In H.W.C. Davis & J.R.H. Weaver (Eds.), Dictionary of National Biography 1912-1921 (pp. 343-345). Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Wozniak, R. H. (1984). A brief history of serial publication in psychology. In D. V. Osier & R. H. Wozniak (Eds.), A century of serial publications in psychology 1850-1950. Milwood, NY: Kraus International.
Wundt, W. (1876). Central innervation and consciousness. Mind, 1, 161-178.
Wundt, W. (1877). German philosophy. Mind, 2, 493-518.
Youmans, E. L. (1872). Purpose and plan of our enterprise. Popular Science Monthly, 1, 113-115.
 The earliest precursors to the modern academic periodical began in Europe in the 17th century. Perhaps most notable of these were the French Journal des Savants and the English Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London, both founded in 1665, as well as the Acta Eruditorum, co-founded by G.W.F. Leibniz and his friend Otto Mencke in Leipzig in 1682. The first journals devoted exclusively to philosophy were founded in the 18th century. Up until 1850, most of these were relatively-short-lived, and most were published in Germany (for details, see Gerber, 1967). The second half of the 19th century, however saw tremendous growth in the number of academic journals published, not only in philosophy, but in the natural and social sciences as well. Among the longer lasting publications (excluding explicitly theological journals), in Germany there were Zeitschrift für Philosophie und Philosophische Kritik (1837-1918), Zeitschrift für Philosophie und Pädagogik (1861-1914); and Philosophische Monatshefte (later Archiv für Geschichte der Philospohie, 1868-1933, 1959-present); and in France there were L'Année Philosophique/La Critique Philosophique (1867-1913) and Revue Philosophique (1876-present, edited by Théodule Ribot for its first 40 years of existence).
 Youmans was an American disciple of the popular English evolutionist Herbert Spencer, financing the American publication of his books (as J. S. Mill had in England), as well as his tour of the U.S. Indeed, it has been said that Youmans "founded Popular Science Monthly initially to serve as an outlet for the series of Spencer's articles that became The Study of Sociology (1873)" (Pittenger, 1999, p. 143). Spencer would ultimately published ninety-one articles in PSM. Youmans was also a public advocate of broader public education about science, publishing in 1867 The Culture Demanded by Modern Life, which connected scientific advance with social progress and with American independence from European cultural domination.
 Although Hall's (1879) article was about American philosophy, it is interesting that he made no mention of the more sophisticated British science journal Nature, which was established in 1869 by Joseph Norman Lockyer, a notable astronomer and the discoverer of helium (Turner, 1927). The American equivalent of Nature, Science, would not come into being until 1880. Science sputtered at first, but was revived by Alexander Graham Bell and Samuel Hubbard Scudder in 1882. Scudder had been a student of Louis Agassiz and, at the time of his taking over the editorial reins of Science, President of the Boston Society for Natural History. He was, perhaps, the greatest American entomologist of the day (Sorensen, 1999). Although Science carried little having to do with psychology, Hall would be there, contributing abstracts of three articles by Wundt to the very first of Scudder's issues. Cattell would take over editorial duties at Science in 1895.
 As with most "Firsts," this one depends upon how one defines one's terms. English-language psychiatric journals started quite a bit earlier. The American Journal of Insanity (later the American Journal of Psychiatry) was first published in 1844 by a group of New York physicians. The Asylum Journal of Mental Science (later just the Journal of Mental Science, and finally the British Journal of Psychiatry) was founded in 1853, edited by John Charles Bucknill for the first decade of its existence. (Bucknill would also be among the founding co-editors of Brain in 1879, along with J. Crichton-Browne, D. Ferrier, and J. Hughlings-Jackson). In addition, the first of three short-lived journals entitled American Psychological Journal, edited by one Edward Mead in Cincinnati, published just six issues in 1853 as well. (The second one, edited by a group of twelve, published three issues in New York, 1875-6. The third, edited by seven, published seven issues in Philadelphia, 1883-84.) All these English-language psychiatric journals were preceded, however, by the French periodical Annales Médico-Psychologique, begun in 1843.
 Wundt's (1877) article on the state of German philosophy provides a fascinating counterpoint to Hall's (1879) on the state of American philosophy. If one believes that the European intellectual community's failure to take the Americans terribly seriously up to this point was a matter of mere nationalistic prejudice, a comparison of these two articles should do much to dispel the assumption.
 Some Americans did appear on the pages of Philosophische Studien, but only those ones who were working with Wundt, or had worked with him in the past: In Volume 1 (1883), "J. M. Cattell" had one article; in Volume 3 (1886), "James Mc Keen Cattell" had three; and in Volume 4 (1888), "James Mc. Keen Cattell" had one more. "James McKeen Cattell" had one article each in Volumes 8 (1893) and 9 (1894) (i.e., the German printers seemed to have some trouble properly formatting his Scottish middle name). E. W. Scripture had an article published in Volume 6 (1891), two in Volume 7 (1892), and one in Volume 8 (1893). Frank Angell had an article Volume 7 (1892). Edward Pace had one article in each of Volumes 7 (1892) and 8 (1893). E. B. Titchener (who was British, but would long teach in the U.S. afterward) had two articles in Volume 8 (1893). Finally Lightner Witmer had two articles in Volume 9 (1894). No Americans appeared in Volume 10 (1894). Also, note that unlike Cattell, who published in Philosophische Studien regularly (7 articles over 9 volumes), Hall never had an article published in the Leipzig journal. He had left Leipzig before the journal had begun publishing.
 Interestingly, Hall financed AJP's launch in no small part on a $500 contribution from one R. Pearsall Smith, described by Hall's biographer as "a spiritualist member of the American Society for Psychical Research" (Ross, 1972, p. 170). To all appearances, however, Hall never had any intention of publishing research on psychic phenomena, regarding the topic as not being within the proper domain of scientific psychology.
 I have gotten somewhat ahead of myself here, but one cannot mention the importance of JEP to the behaviorist "revolution" without also mentioning Journal of Animal Behavior, founded by Robert M. Yerkes in 1911, and Psychobiology, founded by Knight Dunlap in 1917. These two journals would merge in 1921 to become the influential Journal of Comparative Psychology.